The Economist – From the print edition, 08/20/2011

As another minister goes, Brazil’s president may find that the price of trying to clean up politics involves forgoing reforms the country needs
SHE arrived in the presidential palace with a reputation as a no-nonsense manager, but one who had never previously held elected office. Almost eight months into her term as Brazil’s president, Dilma Rousseff has found herself sucked into the political swamp that is Brasília. She has reacted firmly to corruption scandals, and is striving to trim budget pork and to fill senior government jobs on merit rather than through political connections. Her reward has been signs of mutiny in her coalition. With the world economy deteriorating, whether Ms Rousseff can impose her authority on her allies matters a lot for Brazil’s prospects.
In June the president dawdled before dispensing with Antonio Palocci, her chief of staff, after allegations of past influence-peddling had made his position untenable. Since then she has been quick to nip any scandal in the bud. When Veja, a weekly magazine, published evidence of systematic overbilling on contracts at the transport ministry, the president fired dozens of officials, including the minister. Next Veja reported on similar overpayments and kickbacks at the agriculture ministry. The number two at the ministry was sacked; on August 17th the minister, Wagner Rossi, a sidekick of the vice-president, Michel Temer, resigned. This month police arrested more than 30 officials in the tourism ministry, including the deputy minister, on suspicion of stealing public money intended for training hotel staff ahead of the 2014 football World Cup. In the midst of all this the president sacked the defence minister after he insulted some of her closest aides in an interview.
In all this Ms Rousseff is slowly putting her own stamp on a government that she inherited from her predecessor and political mentor, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. But the multiple scandals are straining her ramshackle coalition. This consists of over a dozen parties, ranging from communist to right-wing populist, that between them give her the nominal support of around three-quarters of Congress. The main interest of some of the coalition’s smaller members is not ideology but the extraction of jobs and money—for personal gain or party financing—from government. They are annoyed that Ms Rousseff has tried to rewrite the rules of the game.
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Brazil, figuratively speaking
June 15, 2011Jean-Pierre Langellier – Guardian Weekly, 06/14/2011
Choices ... electoral leaflets outside a polling station in Brasilia in 2010. Photograph: Eraldo Peres/AP
As every editor knows, a writer should never inflict too many numbers on the reader. Rankings, dates, figures, indexes and percentages can be off-putting – if not a downright bore. With this in mind, here is a little collection, gleaned recently from the Brazilian press, which may help to decipher a few local realities.
Let’s start with 30,000. That’s the number of bills pending in Brazil‘s congress, the legislative body in the capital Brasilia, composed of 513 deputies and 81 senators. Among these dormant bills are 975 constitutional amendments awaiting ratification. The oldest has been pending for 16 years. There are also 2,180 draft laws that have been vetoed by successive presidents. Technically, their fate should have been decided within 30 days of the veto.
And that’s without the 50 international treaties, one of which, ratified last month, was dated 1994. Were the Brazilian congress to examine just these bills, it would take a century at the current pace. The federal delegates have mostly abandoned their prerogative of controlling the president’s accounts. No fewer than 12 budgets are still awaiting debate, the oldest of which dates back to 1990.
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