Suhasini Haidar – The Hindu, 7/7/2014
Within days of presenting his first budget, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Finance Minister Arun Jaitley will head for their first big international visit for the BRICS summit in Brazil, with development and the BRICS bank at the top of the agenda.
Mr. Modi will be meeting more than 10 heads of state during the visit from July 13-16, including leaders of the BRICS countries: Russian President Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping, South African President Jacob Zuma as well as host Brasilian President Dilma Rousseff in Fortaleza for the summit starting July 15.
Focus on meet with Putin, Xi
The BRICS summit will be followed by a trip to Brasilia, where President Rousseff has invited leaders of South America: Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Uruguay, Venezuala and Surinam to meet with them as well. It is unclear how many bilateral meetings Mr. Modi will have, but the focus will be on his meetings with President Xi and President Putin. President Xi is also expected to visit India in September with a host of bilateral announcements and infrastructural deals on the cards.
Shalini Singh – The Hindu, 11/03/2013
Global outrage against recent revelations of mass surveillance by the U.S. government, which sparked discussions for a review of global surveillance guidelines, has led the Brazilian government to reach out to the Indian government for support for its proposal to host a one-off global summit, scheduled for early May 2014.
The move follows President Dilma Rouseff’s angry speech on U.S. surveillance at the U.N. General Assembly in September.
When contacted by The Hindu, Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Syed Akbaruddin confirmed the news. The surveillance issue had also come up during External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid’s visit to Brazil in October. Mr. Khurshid and his Brazilian counterpart had “expressed their concern” on the issue. These meetings were held in the week following ICANN CEO Fadi Chehadé’s first visit to Brazil and meeting with Ms. Rouseff, that resulted in the proposal for the Brazilian “summit,” which caught all countries and Internet communities unawares.
Oliver Stuenkel – Post-Western World, 06/09/2013
The stark differences between Brazil’s and India’s agricultural productivity and their differing positions during trade negotiations in the past years are an often used argument of why South-South cooperation will always be an elusive dream. And indeed, India has often been accused of being a nay-sayer in the realm of agriculture, even by its fellow emerging powers.
It may then come as a surprise that agriculture and food security are among the first topics that emerged when the BRIC grouping began to discuss ways to cooperate. In fact, during the first BRIC Leaders Summit in 2009 in Yekaterinburg, a separate declaration on food security was issued, underlining the importance of the matter.
In the document, the BRICs professed to be “committed to opposing protectionism, establishing a just and reasonable international trade regime for agricultural products, and giving farmers from developing countries incentives to engage in agricultural production.” The 2-page document argues that “the developed and developing countries should address the food security issue according to the principle of common but differentiated responsibility”, a concept that would become a trademark of future BRICS declarations, particularly in the field climate change. Finally, the BRICs signaled their interest in cooperating by “sharing the best practices of operating successful public distribution programmes.”
New York Daily News, 11/09/2012
Trade between India and Brazil, part of the BRICS group of the world’s emerging economies, is growing at an amazing 35 percent per annum despite an economic slowdown in both the countries and the physical distance between them, Brazil’s ambassador to India has said.
Implementation of an air services agreement between the two is expected to bridge that distance and give a shot to the trade dynamism, a seminar here was told.
“There is a dynamism in trade that reflects the potentialities of both the countries,” Carloa Duarte said at a seminar here Thursday on doing business with Brazil organised by the Indo-Brazil Chamber of Commerce along with state-run Federation of Indian Export Organisations (FIEO).
Brazil is negotiating to use satellites from India to improve the monitoring of deforestation in the Amazon rain forest.
A member of Brazil’s National Institute for Space Research says a satellite recently launched by the Indian government could vastly increase Brazil’s ability to combat deforestation in the region.
Luis Maurano says the IRS-6 satellite would allow authorities to locate deforested areas much faster than with the satellites currently used.
Tim Padgett – Time Magazine, 10/17/2011
Bolivia this month is accusing India’s Jindal Steel & Power Ltd. of failing to honor its $2.1 billion investment commitment to develop the Mutún iron ore mine and smelting works. Jindal in turn claims Bolivia isn’t providing it sufficient gas and electrical power to get the job done. Such disputes between Latin American governments and foreign multinationals, especially in the mining sector, are hardly new. But what’s different today is that the tussles as well as the triumphs increasingly involve India – the emerging Asian power whose economic clout in Latin America could soon rival China’s.
The Mutún discord notwithstanding, India’s rise in Latin America and the Caribbean is a good thing for the region’s development. As U.S. engagement in Latin America wanes, China’s keeps growing: its bilateral trade from Tijuana to Tierra del Fuego has soared 18-fold since 2000 to $166 billion in 2010, and in 2009 it became Brazil’s largest commercial partner. According to the U.N., China’s investment in Latin America topped $15 billion last year. But while that has helped fuel a Latin American boom, it’s no secret that what Beijing wants most is commodities – almost all its imports from the region are raw materials like oil, copper and soybeans, and its investments almost always involve those products or the infrastructure to ship them – and what it seems to want least is to buy from or invest in Latin America’s more important manufacturing sectors.
That’s less the case with New Delhi. Granted, India and its 1 billion people crave Latin America’s food and fuel as well. But its companies – which, not coincidentally, are largely of the private sector as opposed to China’s, which are largely state firms – appear as interested in building enterprises in the region as they are in merely extracting minerals. Although India’s bilateral trade with Latin America was seven times less than China’s in 2010 at $23 billion, it still represents a ten-fold increase from 2000 and involves not just commodities but manufactured goods like regional jets from Brazil’s Embraer S.A.