Joe Leahy – The Financial Times, 4/20/2014
This month, Brazil marks a particularly grim moment in its history. Fifty years ago, the country’s military took power in a coup that ushered in two decades of brutal dictatorship.
President Dilma Rousseff, who as a young leftist guerrilla fighting the generals was jailed and tortured, marked the occasion with a speech at Rio de Janeiro’s Galeão airport earlier this month.
Shedding a quiet tear, she cited a song by the bossa nova artist Tom Jobim, “Samba do Avião”, that recalls the emotions of a Brazilian landing in Rio, saying the lyrics were about exiles returning home with the end of the military regime.
Matias Spektor & Ryan Berger – CNN, 07/31/2013
Brazil’s easygoing and upbeat international image has been upended in recent weeks. Popular demonstrations burst into the mainstream last month, when resentment over a nine-cent increase in bus fares intensified into an outpouring of anger on the nation’s streets at insufficient public services and rampant political corruption.
The protests continued last week in Rio de Janeiro to coincide with the first international trip of Pope Francis’s papacy. And they seem to have broad support among the public – a recent survey by Ibope indicated that 89 percent of Brazilians support the demonstrations.
What is happening in Brazil has undertones of discontent seen in Chile, where students have staged ongoing rallies for education reform, and Turkey, where mostly young protestors initially occupied a park over urban redevelopment plans and then railed against heavy-handed governance.
Marcos de Barros Lisboa & Zeina Abdel Latif
“Democracy and Growth in Brazil,” written by Marcos Lisboa and Zeina Latif, has generated controversy among academics over its thesis which argues that Brazil’s indiscriminate granting of privileges to different social groups and businesses slows down sustained economic growth.
In the article, Lisboa and Latif propose institutionalized “rent seeking” as a unifying theme in the development of economic and political institutions in Brazil. The problem, defined by the authors as the “democratization of privileges,” is that these policies involve high costs and they tend to go unnoticed due to a lack of transparency and awareness within society. This is due, in part, to the diffuse nature of concession practices to special interest groups. Although these issues arise in all cases where “rent seeking” takes place, Brazil’s case is further aggravated because the extension of benefits is greater and transparency is lower in comparison to other countries.
According to Lisboa and Latif, this combination contributes to the creation of various distortions in the economic landscape that limit Brazil’s capacity for growth.
Summary based on Folha de S. Paulo article
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Sean Goforth – The National Interest, 07/01/2013
At first, the protests that have rocked Brazil were almost comically misrepresented. “Right now, the same game is being played in Brazil,” said Turkey’s prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, on Saturday. “The symbols are the same, the posters are the same. Same Twitter, same Facebook, same international media. They are being controlled by the same center.”
Who can blame him for being glib? Coincidental protests in Brazil have allowed Erdogan to shirk, if temporarily, more fitting comparisons between the protests in Turkey and the Arab Spring. But if not a game, what has impelled over a million people to swarm the streets of cities across Brazil?
Much of the substantive analysis has focused on the country’s level of corruption. For sure, graft is rampant in Brazilian politics. Last year Brazil’s largest corruption trial began: the “big monthly paycheck” scandal was an elaborate vote-buying scheme that allegedly included thirty-seven former congressmen, judges and a high-level advisor to the president.
Bethania Assy & Bruno Cava – The Guardian, 07/01/2013
Who would have thought that the Latin American spring would blossom in Brazil? In the past 10 years, the country has created a “new middle class” by bringing 40 million people to unprecedented levels of income and consumption, and creating 19 million jobs in the midst of one of the worst global financial crises. Why then do millions of young people feel so politically unrepresented that they have taken to the streets in such numbers?
Brazilian commentators have proffered many partial answers, some of universal import, others specific to Brazil. The low level of confidence in representative institutions which are seen as corrupt and undemocratic is one; the government’s willingness to back various mega sporting events alongside its broken promises on the social state agenda (including health, education and public transport) is another; finally, the depoliticisation of a part of the Brazilian middle and upper-middle class youth. These are people who have reaped the benefits of capitalist growth without experiencing its side-effects of extreme inequality, poverty and despair. They have accepted the rightwing, anti-state ideology and have turned it into the anti-political “no party” slogans constantly heard in the protests. The ejection in the protests of flags or shirts indicating “any” political association is a direct attack on the leftwing parties and social movements who started the campaign. This is a hegemonic struggle for political power. The right has been trying to unite different parts of the population against Dilma’s administration and is now using the protests to this end.
It would be too reductionist, however, to interpret the multitude in the streets as part of a rightwing or neoliberal conspiracy. The colourful multiplicity of protests is not a prelude to a rightwing coup, something from which Brazil has repeatedly suffered. The activists of the social movements as well as the extremist anti-Dilma rightwing groups are only a minority. The majority of protesters are people who have never before taken part in political activism or demonstrations. The protests catalyse a dispersed, even ideologically contradictory, feeling of indignation. The anti-political and anti-party chants of rightwingers, who may be secretly praying for a military coup, cannot be compared with the multitude’s cry “que se vayan todos!” (let them all go). The central meaning of the protests brings them closer to events in Argentina in 2001, and makes them an integral part of the cycle of occupations all over the world since 2011. Diverse grievances, antagonistic hopes and conflicting narratives ground the protests, but they are also part of the new age of resistance. No, we have not seen this film before.
Astrid Prange de Oliveira – Deutche Wells, 06/28/2013
Protests, pacts, plebiscites: The Brazilian government has reacted to mass demonstrations with landmark promises of reform. But not all of the proposals are actually new.
All of a sudden, Brazilian parliamentarians are brushing the dust off of policy reform proposals that got bogged down in congress 15 years ago. Through citizen referenda, the population is supposed to better participate in political decisions, while corruption is being redefined as a more serious crime. But can the mass demonstrations that have been rocking Brazil really claim victory?
At first glance, this appears to be the case: After many cities reversed the public transport price increase that initially sparked the protests, Brazil’s senate on Wednesday unexpectedly voted in favour of landmark legislative proposals recategorizing corruption, embezzlement and misappropriation as serious crimes punishable by a minimum four-year prison term. The proposal must still however be passed by the lower parliamentary house.
The Guardian, 06/25/2013
Earlier this year, the Fifa general secretary Jérôme Valcke said something that gave a telling insight into the mentality of world football’s governing body. “I will say something which is crazy – but less democracy is sometimes better for organising a World Cup,” he said.
In fact, in Fifa’s world, it wasn’t that crazy. The command and control approach that it likes to take to the staging of its flagship event, and main cash cow, is closer to that of a dictatorship than a messy democracy. One look at Fifa’s supposedly democractic Congress, which has always resembled more of a rally for President Blatter than a vigorous debate, will tell you that. And if Valcke, who visibly aged with the challenge of delivering Africa’s first World Cup and has enjoyed a fractious relationship with the Brazilian organisers amid troubled preparations for the summer of 2014, felt that way then he is likely to be even less well disposed to democratic principles now.
The huge protests that have swept Brazil during the Confederations Cup, a dry run for the World Cup 12 months later, are inextricably linked with the World Cup – no matter what Sepp Blatter would like to think. From Rio to São Paulo, from Manaus to Recife and Fortaleza to Salvador, up to two million Brazilians have taken to the streets.