October 31, 2013
João Augusto de Castro Neves – FGV/IBRE,10/2013
Weeks of speculation came to an end when President Dilma Rousseff decided to cancel her state visit to the United States in October due to allegations that the US National Security Agency had been intercepting government communications. The decision definitely struck a nerve, especially because it would’ve been the first state visit of a Brazilian head of state to the US in nearly two decades.
The goal of the trip was to find something that would catapult bilateral engagement to a new level, like a roadmap for a trade agreement or talks on UN Security Council reform, but now policy makers in Brasilia and in Washington are working to prevent the relationship from deteriorating even further.
For starters, the risks to US companies operating in sensitive sectors with political and even operational constraints have increased considerably. This is chiefly the case in defense, telecom/IT, and energy sectors. Cooperation in defense will most likely be affected, with Boeing’s chances of securing a contract to sell fighter jets to the Brazilian Air Force being significantly reduced. The caveat is that a decision on the bidding process is not imminent, given the fiscal constraints that the Brazilian government is currently facing. As such, instead of openly disqualifying Boeing, Rousseff opted to delay the entire process further.
October 31, 2013
Oliver Stuenkel – Post-Western World, 10/31/2013
Brazil’s economic rise over the past two decades has caused the country’s foreign policy making elite to seek a more prominent role for Brazil in the international community. On a global scale, it has sought to assume more responsibility and engage in international institutions, often criticizing established powers for not providing it with the status it deserves. Brazil’s newfound status has also caused Brazilian governments to reassess its regional role, although Brazil remains ambivalent about which strategy to adopt in South America. There is clearly a gap between Brazil’s global ambitions and its reluctance to adopt a more assertive role in its region. The country’s strategy in the region remains indecisive, combining restrained support for Mercosur, the creation of the Union of South American States (UNASUR) and the South American Defense Council (CSD) with a growing notion that a clearer vision is necessary to mitigate neighbor’s fears of a rising Brazil. Brazilian policy makers disagree on how they should characterize and understand their region – some see it as a source of problems, some as a shield against globalization, and some as a launching pad for global power. Brazil’s self-perception as a ‘BRICS country’ has fueled worries that it will pay little attention to regional matters (given that its trade interdependence with the region is far lower, percentage-wise, than that of its neighbors), causing critics of Brazil’s global focus to call it a ‘leader without followers’.
While Brazil has kept UNASUR relatively toothless, its decision to exclude Central America and Mexico from this institution is a clear sign that policy makers in Brasília have defined South America as Brazil’s immediate sphere of influence. With the majority of the continent’s landmass, population and economic output, and Venezuela’s faltering attempts to turn into a second pole, it is largely up to Brazil to define and design ‘South American Regionalism’. Brazil thus in theory holds a key coordinating role regarding important regional challenges, ranging from China’s growing economic importance, poverty, inequality, integrating the economy and security threats such as drug trafficking and smuggling.
August 29, 2013
The Economist, 08/31/2013
ITAMARATY, as Brazil’s foreign ministry is known, prides itself on having Latin America’s most professional diplomats. But nobody in Brazil’s government comes out well from an extraordinary incident involving a Bolivian opposition politician that has cost the foreign minister, Antonio Patriota, his job.
Roger Pinto, an opposition senator, sought refuge in Brazil’s embassy in La Paz in May 2012 after he had accused ministers in Bolivia’s socialist government of involvement in drug-trafficking. He was in turn deluged with corruption charges, and claimed he was being politically persecuted. Brazil swiftly agreed to grant him asylum. But Evo Morales, Bolivia’s president, refused to grant Mr Pinto safe-conduct to leave the country. Brazil’s president, Dilma Rousseff, is reported to have ordered that no attempt be made to extract Mr Pinto without the consent of Mr Morales, an ally of the ruling Workers’ Party (PT).
But on August 23rd Brazil’s chargé d’affaires in La Paz, Eduardo Saboia, took matters into his own hands. Escorted by five Brazilian marines, he and Mr Pinto were driven to Brazil, a 22-hour journey. Mr Saboia said he feared for Mr Pinto’s mental health after 455 days of confinement in the embassy. Brazil’s opposition hailed him as a hero. Some in the PT muttered about extraditing Mr Pinto, even though he was granted asylum.
August 29, 2013
Sashsta Darlington – CNN, 08/27/2013
Antonio Patriota, Brazil’s foreign minister, stepped down Monday night amid a diplomatic row with neighboring Bolivia.
President Dilma Rousseff’s office issued a brief statement, saying Patriota had submitted his resignation and would be replaced by Brazil’s representative at the United Nations, Luiz Alberto Figueiredo.
The resignation comes a day after a Brazilian diplomat helped an opposition senator from Bolivia flee into Brazil.
June 26, 2013
Juan Pablo Spinetto – Bloomberg, 06/25/2013
Eike Batista became the most popular Latin American billionaire on Twitter by sharing his formula for success. Now the Brazilian entrepreneur is being assailed online by investors blaming him for wealth destruction.
People with shares in Batista’s OGX Petroleo & Gas Participacoes SA (OGXP3) are using the social media to criticize him after missed oil targets spurred an 82 percent share-price plunge this year. The billionaire has posted about 21,700 Twitter messages since 2010 and has more than 1.3 million followers, almost six times more than Mexican magnate Carlos Slim, the world’s second-richest person. Bill Gates, the richest person on the planet, has 11.8 million followers.
William Magalhaes, a 32-year business owner who started buying OGX shares last year, has been using his @MinoritariosOGX Twitter account since March to push Batista to keep minority investors better informed and represented, including on the company’s board. His efforts paid off this month when he was granted a meeting with OGX Chief Executive Officer Luiz Carneiro and Chief Financial Officer Roberto Monteiro at the company’s downtown Rio de Janeiro headquarters.
June 4, 2013
Miriam Gomes Saraiva & Susanne Gratius – ISN, -6/04/2013
In these times of change in the shaping of a new world order, Brazil has begun to stand out for its assertive participation in international politics, where it has favoured anti-hegemonic, multi-polar positions and its increasingly strong leadership in its own region. During the Lula administration from 2003 to 2010, Brazil gradually started step-by-step to shoulder the costs inherent in cooperation, governance and integration in the region. At that time, the Brazilian Development Bank BNDES – with a total budget that exceeds that of the Inter-American Development Bank – began to finance infrastructure projects in South American. 
The election of Lula da Silva at the end of 2002 and the ensuing rise of an autonomy-oriented group in Brazil’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs cast the country’s foreign policy in a new light. Diplomatic support for existing international regimes in the 1990s gave way to a proactive push towards modifying these regimes in favour of southern countries or Brazil’s particular interests, which was defined by Lima as soft revisionism.
The idea of bringing other emerging or poorer southern countries on board to counterbalance the might of traditional Western powers served as the basis for the country’s international actions. While coalitions with emerging partners helped boost Brazil’s global pretensions,  its diplomatic efforts were geared towards bolstering its international standing independently of any other nation, with its role as a global player being firmly grounded in the ideas of autonomy and universalism that were the predominant diplomatic thinking at the time.
May 30, 2013
Taylor Barnes – The Miami Herald, 05/29/2013
U.S. Vice President Joe Biden praised Brazil’s “vibrancy and inclusive democracy” and strides made in social and economic development in a half-hour speech Wednesday in Rio de Janeiro.
“You can no longer claim ‘We are a developing nation.’ You have developed,” Biden said to a crowd that included Rio de Janeiro’s Mayor Eduardo Paes and local business leaders in a warehouse along the city’s bustling port zone. “What goes with that is worldwide responsibility to speak, to speak out.”
Biden’s speech touched on issues ranging from trade, potential cooperation in Brazil’s energy sector, educational exchanges and Brazil’s rising international prominence.
May 21, 2013
The Woodrow Wilson Center’s Brazil Institute and the Brazil – U.S. Business Council are pleased to invite to the following seminar on
“A Conversation with Congressman Henrique Eduardo Alves, Speaker of Brazil’s House of Representatives”
Wednesday, May 22nd
9:00 – 11:00 am
WoodrowWilsonInternationalCenter for Scholars
6th Floor Flom Auditorium
Click here to RSVP
Remarks: Ambassador Anthony Harrington, Chairman, Brazil Institute Advisory Board; President & CEO, Albright Stonebridge Group
Featuring: Congressman Henrique Eduardo Alves, President, Brazil Chamber of Deputies
Moderator: Monique Fridell, Executive Director, Brazil – U.S. Business Council Read the rest of this entry »
January 25, 2013
Brazilian and European leaders called on Thursday for the speedy conclusion of a free trade and cooperation agreement between the European Union and Mercosur. The call for action was made as Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff hosted European Council President Herman Van Rompuy and European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso.
Both the EU and Mercosur “expressed the strong political will to reach an accord,” Van Rompuy told reporters.
Negotiations have so far stumbled over differences on agriculture, especially European farm subsidies, which are seen as hindering Mercosur efficient agriculture.
January 23, 2013
Foreign direct investment in Brazil more than covered the country’s current account deficit in 2012, the central bank said on Wednesday, in a sign of continued confidence in Latin America’s largest economy despite sluggish growth.
Brazil attracted $65.272 billion in foreign direct investment in 2012, above a central bank estimate of $63 billion that was revised upward several times last year. The country drew $66.6 billion of FDI in 2011.
That investment fully covers a current account deficit of $54.246 billion last year — more than the bank’s forecast of $52.5 billion.